Germany
  Chancellor Gerhard Schröder
  Policy Statement to the German Bundestag
  Berlin, Germany
  September 19, 2001
    
  
  Mr President,
  Ladies and Gentlemen,
  
  I. 
  In my Policy Statement of 12 September I said that this is not just a war against 
  the United States, but a war against the civilized world. I stand by those words.
  
  Is this the "clash of civilizations" that has so often been spoken 
  of?
  My answer is clear. It is "no". 
  What we have here is not a "clash of civilizations" but a struggle 
  to protect civilization in this one world. We are aware of the diversity of 
  the world's civilizations, and we respect them all. But we must insist that 
  the principles of the American Declaration of Independence apply universally. 
  
  There it is written:
  
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, 
  that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that 
  among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." 
  These principles, even if they are the legacy of the Christian West and did 
  not develop without a number of disastrous aberrations, do not conflict with 
  an interpretation of Islam free of fundamentalist frenzy. Such faceless, barbaric 
  terrorism is directed against the very fabric that binds our world together: 
  respect for human life and human dignity, the values of liberty, tolerance, 
  democracy and the peaceful balancing of interests.
  
  In the face of this unprecedented attack Germany will give its unreserved support 
  to the United States of America. Our statements of political and moral solidarity 
  with the US are at the present time more than just a matter of course. Here 
  in Berlin, in particular, we Germans will never forget what the United States 
  has done for us. It was the Americans who contributed so crucially to the victory 
  over National Socialism. And it was our American friends who, after World War 
  II, enabled us to make a fresh start in freedom and democracy. They guaranteed 
  and protected not just the survival, but also the liberty of West Berlin. And 
  they helped us restore our national unity in a peaceful, democratic Europe.
  
  But we must make it clear that while gratitude is an important and weighty factor, 
  it does not suffice to legitimize fundamental decisions of principle. In such 
  decisions we are led by one goal only, that of ensuring the future of our country 
  as part of a free world. And that is the heart of the matter. The world has 
  reacted to the barbaric attacks. In a manner unusually unanimous and unambiguous.
  
  The United Nations Security Council unanimously stated in its seminal Resolution 
  1368 that the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington present a threat 
  to international peace and security, thus establishing the conditions under 
  international law for resolute action against terrorism. The NATO Council expressed 
  its full solidarity with the United States on the basis of Article 5 of the 
  NATO Treaty. The attack on the US is an attack on all NATO partners. The NATO 
  Council adopted this decision with our full support. It follows the letter and 
  spirit of the NATO Treaty. NATO has not yet decided on any concrete action. 
  A decision on concrete action requires a prior determination that the attacks 
  on New York and Washington were attacks from outside NATO. Moreover, a specific 
  request for support must be made by the United States. This has not yet been 
  the case. 
  
  What rights do these decisions create for the United States?
  
  On the basis of the Security Council resolution the United States can take measures 
  against the perpetrators, organizers and sponsors of the attacks. And, under 
  the terms of the resolution, which further develops international law, they 
  can and may take equally resolute action against states which aid, support or 
  harbour terrorists.
  
  What effect does this have on the Allies' obligations? 
  
  All Allies have expressed their moral and political solidarity. This is only 
  natural. We still do not know if the United States expects and will request 
  support from the NATO partners, and if so, what kind of support. It could be 
  military support. This option is not, and cannot be, excluded. Whatever form 
  of support we are asked to provide, the Basic Law and the rulings of the Federal 
  Constitutional Court will of course be respected.
  
  
II.
  Naturally, every right has its corresponding duty. But the reverse is also true: 
  any Alliance obligation corresponds to a right. In this case a right to information 
  and consultation. What we as Germans and Europeans wish to achieve is unreserved 
  solidarity with the US with respect to all necessary measures. Germany is prepared 
  to take risks, even military ones, but it is not prepared to embark on any reckless 
  adventure. Thanks to the prudent conduct of the American Administration, we 
  have not been called upon to embark on any such adventure, and surely will not 
  be in the future. This form of solidarity is what we have learnt from our history, 
  a lesson which was bitter enough for the civilized world. A fixation on purely 
  military means would be fatal. 
  
  We Europeans must further strengthen our cooperation in the fight against terrorism. 
  Now is the time for Europe to speak with one voice. At my suggestion Mr Verhofstadt, 
  the Belgian President of the EU Council, has called a special session of the 
  European Council for Friday at which we will discuss the further position of 
  the European Union on the fight against terrorism. Our goal has to be the integration 
  of as many countries as possible in a worldwide system of security and prosperity. 
  To this end we want to provide incentives within the framework of development 
  cooperation to states which declare their willingness to cooperate in the battle 
  against terrorism. We have to and we want to develop a comprehensive concept 
  for crisis prevention and management. This concept must be based on political, 
  economic, cultural and security cooperation. 
  
  We must create the basis for political and economic stabilization and stability 
  for the crisis regions in the Middle East and Central Asia with such a concept. 
  Above all, we must now join forces to do all we can to achieve a breakthrough 
  for peace in the Middle East. The Federal Foreign Minister has already taken 
  the initiative on several occasions to persuade the parties to the conflict 
  to end the violence and resume their talks. His spirited engagement in this 
  conflict is the best proof of our willingness to stand by the parties on their 
  way to peace. Yesterday the international mediation efforts led to a first success. 
  President Arafat ordered his troops to obey a strict cease-fire. In return, 
  Prime Minister Sharon of Israel ordered Israeli troops to withdraw from the 
  Palestinian territories.
  
  This development is an encouraging step in a difficult situation. It will facilitate 
  international efforts to forge an alliance against terrorism. We have to continue 
  dialogue with the moderate leaders of the Arab world to this end. Over the last 
  few days I thus kept in touch with King Abdullah of Jordan and the Egyptian 
  President Mubarak. A further round of talks with the Egyptian President in Berlin 
  next Tuesday will also serve this purpose. Furthermore the Federal Government 
  will also use its existing contacts with key regional powers such as Syria and 
  Iran to persuade them to cooperate on combating terrorism. It cannot be said 
  often enough: we are not at war with any one state. And we are not at war with 
  the entire Islamic world.
  
  The terrorists declared war on us and they will be called to account for doing 
  so. The attacks in New York and Washington have nothing to do with religion. 
  They are the expression of a criminal mindset. The appalling disrespect of human 
  life is a declaration of war against all of civilization. Thus the Islamic states 
  and religious communities too face the task of outlawing and fighting terrorists 
  and fanatics with the utmost determination. They must leave absolutely no doubt 
  that there is no political or religious justification for terrorist violence.
  
  
III.
  Many people in our country are asking about the possible repercussions of the 
  terrorist attacks. The Federal Government is aware of these concerns. And we 
  are taking them very seriously. But we also say: based on current assessments 
  there is no reason to be afraid or to panic. The Federal Government and the 
  security authorities reacted resolutely and continue to be vigilant. We are 
  not in a national state of emergency. The immediate conclusions which we had 
  to draw from the tragic events were and are being drawn. 
  
  For example air traffic safety, both on the ground and in the air, is being 
  optimized. We have taken appropriate precautions and have received the necessary 
  consent from the private air traffic companies. This involves making the cockpit 
  more secure as well as improving baggage checks, checking the background of 
  employees in airports or having security staff escort German aircraft. 
  
  Our intelligence services have done a good job thus far combating international 
  terrorism. In close cooperation with their American and European counterparts, 
  they have been able to prevent attacks and disclose terrorist structures. In 
  the past their investigations also brought about the arrest of Osama bin Laden's 
  then finance chief. 
  
  We will continue to have to pay particular attention to the financial structures 
  of terrorist networks. It is our job to seek out and disrupt these flows of 
  finance. The financing of terror must not become the dark side of free world 
  trade and free capital flows. Similarly we will have to keep a keener eye on 
  the financing of terror under the guise of charity.
  
  Ladies and Gentlemen, 
  
  As early as this afternoon we will adopt a package of measures in the Federal 
  Cabinet to optimize the fight against terrorism in the light of new findings. 
  
  
  This includes an amendment to criminal law which makes it possible in future 
  to prosecute those who support criminal organizations from abroad just like 
  the members and sponsors of such organizations at home. This also includes the 
  abolition of the privileges accorded to religious groups under the law of associations. 
  Because the freedom of religion and belief guaranteed in the Basic Law must 
  not protect those who abuse religion to scheme murder and terror. 
  
  We will improve the quality and efficiency of the fight against terrorism. But 
  under no circumstances will we restrict, let alone abolish the rule of law in 
  order to fight terror. Our battle against terrorism is a defence of our open 
  society, our liberties, our way of life. Terrorism will not reduce us to calling 
  into question the very values which we defend against terrorism. And terrorism 
  must not and will not stop us from passing a modern immigration law geared to 
  the needs of our economy. We have initiated an up-to-date immigration law with 
  the draft bill tabled by the German Minister of the Interior. The law is urgently 
  needed in Germany. Now more than ever, a meaningful policy on foreigners, immigration 
  and integration needs a carefully considered legal instrument. For immigration 
  will not steer and regulate itself. Needless to say, we are open to suggestions 
  of rewording here and there. Necessary additions and amendments can also still 
  be undertaken in the ongoing parliamentary procedure. Particularly in the current 
  situation, the strengths and advantages of this bill become abundantly clear. 
  This law brings more security, for example through German missions abroad conducting 
  background checks before visas are granted. The new regulation also makes it 
  easier to distinguish between people who can gain the right of residence and 
  those for whom this is not the case. All those involved will receive information 
  faster on their situation and the consequences. Thus far fewer people with no 
  definite perspective of residence will live here.
  
  Immigration, the protection of refugees and integration is an issue not just 
  in Germany. Our European partners are also discussing these questions. As far 
  as figures are concerned, we have not been at the top of the table in Europe 
  for a long time. Nevertheless, as a country at the centre of Europe we have 
  a considerable interest in adopting viable regulations for immigration at European 
  level. We can contribute to this with our own debate. 
  
  
IV.
  Like so many other nations Germany, too, has been directly affected by the terrorist 
  attacks in the US. We are mourning many Germans who met a terrible death in 
  the hijacked aeroplanes or in the World Trade Center. We still do not know the 
  exact numbers.
  
  
V. 
  There can be no doubt: many of our compatriots are frightened. They are afraid 
  of terror. Afraid of war. This fear may be exaggerated or even unfounded. But 
  it is there nevertheless and affects the people in our country. The very young 
  and particularly those who have experienced and suffered war. I think I can 
  understand this fear. But we must not let it paralyze us. My task is to help 
  turn fear into confidence. And I am convinced that there is reason to be confident. 
  At the start of this new century, Germany is on the right side. On the side 
  of the inalienable rights of all people. These human rights are the towering 
  achievement and the bequest of European Enlightenment. These values - human 
  dignity, democracy based on freedom, and tolerance - are our great strengths 
  in the battle against terrorism. That is what keeps our community of peoples 
  and nations together - and what the terrorists wanted to destroy. 
  
  These values are our identity. We will defend them, with vigour and determination.
  
  Thank you. 
  
   
END